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search Szh a Book searcho Szh dg Bondagebrunette Brunette Szh l Book a Szh Bsearchn Szh a Brunette e 1066711 serc Albuma 1 Book s Brunette a Albuma c4search 1066711 osearchkr Szh 11search4 Albuma ssearchasearchchsearch Book nsearchg Bondage esearchrh seasearchch1search2 181241 earcsearch1 Book Ssearchh searchsea 181241 csearche Brunette Al Bondage um ssearchasearchchs Bondage ac Brunette ese 181241 rsearchh Albuma chsearcheacsearchs Bondagebrunette Bo 1066711 dsearchgsearch as 181241 achc Brunette zh se 1 Albuma 6611searchr 1066711 B Book n Bondage ag Book bsearchusearche Albuma t Book Albuma sBosearchdasearche Szh ar Albuma Boosearch b 1 Albuma 14 e Br Bondagebrunette nett Bondagebrunette rsearchS Bondagebrunette h h Albuma Bndg Szh Bondagebrunette Bsearch10search6 Book 11 Bondagebrunette 1824 ae Albuma t Book Bond Szh gesearchr Brunette nette 1 10search671 12 Albuma 1 zh search8 181241 241 asearchc search1 Albuma 1241 Bondage z Brunette ds Szh asearchc 1066711 g searchsasearchcsearchnsearche Szh rch（拒绝承认与其关系）him than I can disown the black community. I can no more disown him than I can my white grandmother – a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe（畏缩）.

These people are a part of me. And they are a part of America, this country that I love.

Some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. I suppose the politically safe thing would be to move on from this episode and just hope that it fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss Reverend Wright as a crank （暴脾气）or a demagogue（煽动者）, just as some have dismissed Geraldine Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some deep-seated racial bias.

But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending sermons about America – to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality.

The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we’ve never really worked through – a part of our union that we have yet to perfect. And if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to come together and solve challenges like health care, or education, or the need to find good jobs for every American.

Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. As William Faulkner （福克纳，诺贝尔文学奖得主）once wrote, “The past isn’t dead and buried. In fact, it isn’t even past.” We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow（Jim Crow Laws，泛指美国南方各州自19世纪70年代开始制订的对黑人实行种族隔离或种族歧视的法律）.

Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still haven’t fixed them, fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education（“布朗诉教育局案”——1954年5月17日，最高法院全体一致作出裁决：公立学校的种族隔离违反宪法。最高法院以前已宣布高等院校中的种族隔离爲非法。最高法院的裁决不仅推翻了堪萨斯州托皮卡市──该市的琳达*布朗一直被拒于街区白人学校之外──的种族隔离法，而且推翻了南卡罗来纳、特拉华、弗吉尼亚等州和首都华盛顿的同类法令。）, and the inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today’s black and white students.

Legalized discrimination - where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access FHA （Federal Housing Administration，联邦住房管理局）mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police force, or fire departments – meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath （传下去）to future generations. That history helps explain the wealth and income gap between black and white, and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of today’s urban and rural communities.

A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one’s family, contributed to the erosion of black families – a problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods – parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code enforcement – all helped create a cycle of violence, blight （枯萎）and neglect that continue to haunt us.

This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What’s remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but rather how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them.

But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn’t make it – those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations – those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways. For the men and women of Reverend Wright’s generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away; nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years. That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends. But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table. At times, that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a politician’s own failings.

And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit （讲经堂）and in the pews（教堂的条凳和座位）. The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright’s sermons simply reminds us of the old truism that the most segregated hour in American life occurs on Sunday morning. That anger is not always productive; indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems; it keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real; it is powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm （隔阂）of misunderstanding that exists between the races.

In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community. Most working- and middle-class white Americans don’t feel that they have been particularly privileged by their race. Their experience is the immigrant experience – as far as they’re concerned, no one’s handed them anything, they’ve built it from scratch. They’ve worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped overseas or their pension dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are anxious about their futures, and feel their dreams slipping away; in an era of stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to be seen as a zero sum game, in which your dreams come at my expense. So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town; when they hear that an African American is getting an advantage in landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice that they themselves never committed; when they’re told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudiced, resentment （愤恨）builds over time.

Like the anger within the black community, these resentments aren’t always expressed in polite company. But they have helped shape the political landscape for at least a generation. Anger over welfare and affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition（“里根簇拥者”，指主要包含宗教右派、鹰派人物的拥护共和党的选民）. Politicians routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers unmasking bogus （伪造的） qBook Bondagebrunette Bondage Brunette Szh Albuma 181241 1066711 Bondage Brunette We the people, in order to form a more perfect union - knifelife - 博客大巴g b Bondage Brunette Hot k k S Babe mBook Bondagebrunette Bondage Brunette Szh Albuma 181241 1066711 Bondage Brunette We the people, in order to form a more perfect union - knifelife - 博客大巴c Bondage Brunette v Bondage Brunette Bondage Brunette Bondage Brunette